马克思主义、生态文明、中国外文翻译资料

 2023-02-11 02:02

Marxism, ecological civilization, and China

by John Bellamy Foster, originally published by MRZine | JUN 20, 2015

Chinas leadership has called in recent years for the creation of a new 'ecological civilization.' Some have viewed this as a departure from Marxism and a concession to Western-style 'ecological modernization.' However, embedded in classical Marxism, as represented by the work of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, was a powerful ecological critique. Marx explicitly defined socialism in terms consistent with the development of an ecological society or civilization -- or, in his words, the 'rational' regulation of 'the human metabolism with nature “.

In recent decades there has been an enormous growth of interest in Marxs ecological ideas, first in the West, and more recently in China. This has generated a tradition of thought known as 'ecological Marxism.'

This raises three questions: (1) What was the nature of Marxs ecological critique? (2) How is this related to the idea of ecological civilization now promoted in China? (3) Is China actually moving in the direction of ecological civilization, and what are the difficulties standing in its path in this respect?

Marxs Ecological Critique

In the late 1840s the German biologist Matthias Schleiden observed in his book The Plant: A Biography: 'Those countries which are now treeless and arid deserts, part of Egypt, Syria, Persia, and so forth, were formerly thickly wooded, traversed by streams.' He attributed this to human-generated regional climate change. At the same time as Schleiden was developing these views, the German agronomist Carl Fraas was making similar observations in his Climate and the Plant World, arguing that 'the developing culture of people leaves a veritable desert behind it.' Marx and Engels, who were becoming increasingly interested in ecological degradation and regional climate change were influenced by these ideas. In 1858, Marx, following Fraas, wrote: 'Cultivation -- when it proceeds in natural growth and is not consciously controlled . . . leaves deserts behind it.'

By the 1860s, when he was writing Capital, Marxs ecological concerns had intensified. Much of this was under the influence of the great German chemist, Justus von Liebig. In the 1862 edition of his Agricultural Chemistry Liebig argued that industrial agriculture in England was a 'robbery' system. The main soil nutrients (nitrogen, phosphorus, and potassium) were being removed from the soil and sent hundreds and thousands of miles to the city in the form of food and fiber where they contributed to pollution and were lost to the soil. Britain and other countries attempted to make up for this by digging up the Napoleonic battlefields and robbing the catacombs in Europe to obtain bones to fertilize English fields. They extracted mountains of guano from the islands off of Peru, shipping it to Britain to enrich the soil.

'Instead of a conscious and rational treatment of the land as permanent communal property, as the inalienable condition for the existence and reproduction of the chain of human generations,' Marx declared, capitalism led to 'the exploitation and squandering of the powers of the earth.' The result was an 'irreparable rift in the interdependent process of social metabolism' between humanity and nature, requiring the 'restoration' of this essential metabolism. In the higher society of socialism, he contended, 'the associated producers' would 'govern the human metabolism of nature in a rational way . . . accomplishing it with the least expenditure of energy and in conditions most worthy and appropriate for their human nature.'

On this basis, Marx developed in Capital what is perhaps the most radical conception of ecological sustainability yet propounded: 'From the standpoint of a higher socio-economic formation, the private property of particular individuals in the earth will appear just as absurd as the private property of one man in other men. Even an entire society, a nation, or all simultaneously existing societies taken together, are not the owners of the earth. They are simply its possessors, its beneficiaries, and have to bequeath it in an improved state to succeeding generations, as boni patres familias [good heads of the household].'

Marx and Engels addressed in their writings most of the ecological problems of modern times: climate change (then seen as a regional phenomenon); soil degradation; air and water pollution; overexploitation of natural resources; overpopulation; deforestation; desertification; industrial poisons or toxins; and the destruction of species. In The Dialectics of Nature

马克思主义,生态文明,中国

中国领导人已呼吁在近年来创建一个新的“生态文明”。有些人将此视为马克思主义的背离和西式“生态现代化”的让步。然而,经典马克思主义,作为马克思和恩格斯的工作代表,是一个对生态的强大批评。马克思明确定义与生态社会或文明的发展相一致的社会主义--或者,用他的话说,“与自然人体新陈代谢”的“理性”的规定。

这就提出了三个问题:(1)马克思生态学批判的本质是什么?(2)这是如何关系到现在推动中国的生态文明的理念? (3)在中国生态文明建设的实际进程中,在这方面将遇到的困难是什么?

在19世纪40年代后期,德国生物学家施莱登马蒂亚斯在他的书《植物及其生活》中写到,“这些现在没有树木和干旱沙漠的,包括埃及,叙利亚,波斯等的部分国家,以前是丛林密布,溪流穿越的。”他把这归因于人为产生的区域气候变化。在施莱登的观点不断发展的同时,德国农学家卡尔弗拉斯在他的书《气候与植物世界》中提出了相似的观点。认为“人类文明发展的背后都留有一个名副其实的沙漠”。在生态恶化和区域气候变化方面具有越来越浓厚兴趣的马克思和恩格斯,受到了这些思想的影响。1858年,马克思在继弗拉斯后写道:“培育—当它进入的自然生长,不自觉地被控制hellip;hellip;离开沙漠后面。”

在此基础上,马克思理论在资本方面的发展,也许是尚未提出的生态可持续的最激进的概念:从更高的社会经济形态的角度来看,特定的私人财产在地球上的出现就像一个人在另一个人的私有财产里一样荒谬。甚至整个社会,一个国家,或者同时存在的社会都不是地球的主人。他们只是它的拥有者,受益者,并必须改善状其态然后传给后代。

中国的生态文明与马克思主义

所有这一切背后的事实是,中国的环境问题是巨大的并且在不断增长。这是极端经济增长快速增长的结果,它没有充分保护环境,加上其他因素,例如气候变化。中国的环境问题包括:在空气污染方面已经跻身世界上最严重主要城市的;;砍伐森林; 荒漠化,沙尘暴大量造成空气污染;耕地流失;农地城市发展;水资源短缺,水质污染;饮水不安全;倾倒有毒废物;城市拥堵和拥挤;人口过剩;过分依赖燃煤电厂,上升的二氧化碳排放量,潜在的能源短缺;和粮食安全等问题。

毫无疑问,中国领导层已经把显著步骤转变为更可持续发展。由于规划的重要角色中国已经能够快速变化的一些领域,有时逆着经济增长的逻辑。这种努力的例子有:(1)在经济增长方面更加合理均衡;(2)大规模推广太阳能和风能技术;(3)非化石燃料能源消耗占据越来越大的比例;(4)建立一条以保护最低为120万公顷的农田的红线; (5)在第12个五年计划(2011- 2015年)减少主要空气污染物的8-10%的;(6)去除,2014年道路600万高污染车辆;(7)电动乘用车(非插件)的2014年的产量增长700%;(8)从官员开始,政府竞选节俭的生活方式,反对铺张浪费(炫耀性消费);(9)对不断增长的GDP崇拜的官方批评;以及(10)承诺降低二氧化碳排放强度,从2005年到2020年,GDP从哪40%-45%,以及2030年二氧化碳排放减少,以及;(11)对煤炭新的资源税征收。

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